Thikan Srinara

“What is your relation to Supot Jaengrew?”

“He is my grandfather.”

I asked the question after I called out the names of the students in my third-year Contemporary Thai History class. A loud voice answered from the back of the classroom.  It was the first time that I had taught and that was the first moment that I met Lukkate, or Chonthira Jaengrew. She is a very slender young woman with a high voice who wears large, round glasses. She is the only woman among the fourteen students from the Neo Democracy movement who were arrested and imprisoned on 26 June 2015.

I asked her, “Do you know that your grandfather is an important intellectual?” She looked surprised and said that she did not.

Lukkate's answer indicated that until then, she was like any other third-year university student whose daily life was comprised of studying and getting together with friends. She was not at all interested in politics or political activism. I do not know whether what I did, telling her how important her grandfather is within Thai political history, was right or wrong. But it became a turning point in her life.

Lukkate came to class early the next week and told me that she had talked to her grandfather. He answered some of her questions but not others, and spoke briefly on some issues and went on for a long time about others. She told me that her grandfather had many books, and that she filched one to read. I took a glance at the book in her hands, Duay Rak Haeng Udomkan (A Love of Ideals), by Wat Wanlayangkul. I told her, “Hey! I adore that book. When I was studying at Ramkhamhaeng, I read it over and over again. Activist students liked to read it.” We chatted for a bit longer, and then she deserted me to go sit at the back of the classroom and I started the class.

Lukkate had another fifteen weeks, or one term, with me. After a bit, she began to change. She liked to raise questions about this and that in the classroom. She liked to read books and sometimes I saw her sitting and reading novels under the Srinakharinwirot University Social Sciences Building. Once it was Pisat (The Specter) and another time it was Fa Bo Kan (The Sky is No Barrier).

Most of Lukkate’s friends at university were fairly progressive. They were interested in politics and understood her, even though they did not always join her in political activism. But I recall one day when she and her friends awakened and organized a candlelight vigil at Srinakharinwirot University to oppose the violent political protest of the Peoples’ Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC). Many people joined that vigil.

After that, an older friend that I respect called me and said that he wanted to invite the students from Srinakarinwirot University who organized the candlelight vigils to meet and share experiences with other student groups. I remember the day that Lukkate, Khao (a second-year student), and I went to join the meeting. It was late when the meeting was finished and Lukkate invited me to go eat dinner with her new activist friends from other universities. “Eh, you should all go,” I said.  She smiled and raised her hands to wai me goodbye. Then she turned back to continue chatting and laughing cheerfully with her friends. I stood and watched until they disappeared into the shadows. A waft of cool air passed, and I felt a sense of hope.

From that day forward, Lukkate’s political activism continued to intensify. We still chatted, but less so than before.  Then, on the day that she was arrested by soldiers when she ate sandwiches in opposition to the coup, she asked me to appear as her guardian. She did not want her parents to know what had happened.

In 2015, she was frequently missing from the classroom and doing activism instead. But she finished her studies. She took her final exam on 22 May and then, with no time to change out of her student uniform, she went to express resistance to the coup in front of the Bangkok Art and Cultural Center (BACC). This time though, a police notice was sent to her house and her parents severely reprimanded her.

She told me that, “Being arrested does not bother me at all. Being rebuked by my parents is far more upsetting.”

A few days later, she left home and went to stay with friends. She told me that on 24 June, the students planned to file a complaint at the Pathumwan police station against the police officers who used violence against them at the BACC. And then she and her friends really and truly did so.

On the evening of 26 June, I was out at a meeting outside Bangkok. Lukkate texted and asked me to call her and so I did. Her voice was cheerful and held not even a trace of fear. She asked me, “Do I have to go in person to receive my diploma? I want to quickly go get it and keep it with me.” I recommended this and that to her and we said goodbye. A few minutes after we hung up, she was arrested.

I no longer know what else to say at this moment other than:

“Release Lukkate and her friends! They have done nothing wrong!”

Source: จากครูถึงศิษย์ 'ธิกานต์ ศรีนารา' เขียนถึง 'ลูกเกด' นักศึกษาหญิงที่ถูกคุมขังในทัณฑสถานหญิง

Translated by Tyrell Haberkorn.

Rachata Thongruay
On 25 June, the Democracy Monument was once again the venue of a political movement. The New Democracy Movement (NDM), led by the 14 embattled anti-coup activists from Bangkok and Khon Kaen, gathered at the Monument to declare their stance against dictatorship and urged the Thai junta to return democracy to Thailand. Around 100 people joined this rally. The event was a reminder of the popular uprising in 14 October 1973, when the gathering of students and people at the Monument led to the end of the military dictatorship of Thanom Kittikachorn. The Democracy Monument has always been part of the struggle for democracy in Thailand.
Nevertheless, interpreting the Democracy Monument as a symbol of democracy is a controversial subject. Since 2010, both pro- and anti-establishment groups, the so-called yellow shirts and red shirts, claimed that they support democracy (and the other side does not), and both liked to stage rallies close to the Democracy Monument. Even the anti-election People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) used the Democracy Monument as its rally venue to affiliate itself with the symbol of democracy. 
The red shirts gather at the Democracy Monument on 10 October 2010
The PDRC rallies at the Democracy Monument on 22 December 2013. Photo courtesy of Matichon Online
Another living symbol that has been used and appropriated by both sides of the Thai political conflict is the Khana Ratsadon mark. This is a metal mark, embedded on the surface of the Royal Plaza, Dusit, Bangkok. It is a memorial to the forced change from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy 83 years ago. The so-called Siamese Revolution on 24 June 1932 was followed by the abdication of King Rama VII. 
At about 6 am on 24 June at the Royal Plaza, a group of anti-establishment, anti-junta activists and poets came to polish and decorate the mark. Four days before, a pro-establishment group came to the mark and attempted to destroy it by holding a black magic ceremony. There were also attempts to cover the mark with asphalt by an anonymous group.
The Khana Ratsadorn mark is decorated with flowers on 24 June 2015.
Sombat Boonngam-anong, an embattled pro-democracy activist also known as Nuling and Polka Dot Editor, said that the ceremony has been held at the mark only in the past few years after Thailand has been divided by colours. Nevertheless, because the ceremony organizers have never explained or communicated the story behind the symbol to the people, the symbol of the Siamese Revolution is not as powerful as it should be. 
The Democracy Monument is a strong symbol and was used many times because the picture of the monument is seen on every work concerning democracy, including children’s textbooks, Sombat said.
Puangthong Pawakapan, an associate professor at the Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, said that nobody could monopolize the meaning of symbols. Even in academic circles, the Khana Ratsadon mark is still a debatable subject between the pro-democracy view and the pro-establishment view. 
Puangthong commented about the Democracy Monument that nowadays every movement claims to be democratic. The Democracy Monument can easily signify that a movement is democratic and their action is righteous. So every movement, whether the Redshirts in 2010 or the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) in 2013-14, used the Monument as their venue.
Symbolic acts have also had an important role in the anti-coup movements in Thailand over the past years. A lot of symbols were developed and used as expressions of opinion. There is the Three-finger Salute, a popular anti-junta symbol derived from The Hunger Games movies. There are Sandwiches for Democracy and eating at McDonald's at Ratchaprasong intersection. Some gathered to read the dystopian classic 1984, along with playing La Marseillaise, the French national anthem, in public. Less subtle acts are exemplified by holding placards, and wearing t-shirts with the slogans ‘Peace Please’ or ‘Respect My Vote’. As most of the users of symbols are apprehended and detained, still more symbols are developed and more symbolic acts are performed.
Puangthong said that symbols are used because they make it easy to communicate.  Furthermore, symbols convey both ideas and emotions and it is easy to use the body as a symbolic gesture.
“In a place that does not allow space for discussion, symbols allow people who share the same ideas to communicate,” said Puangthong. 
Sombat said that symbols are an esoteric form of communication. It is limited to those who already know the meaning. The symbols spread when people who are curious go find out the meaning. 
Sombat said that expressing a defining idea by symbolic acts is generally safer. By suppressing expression on politics, the current military regime is unintentionally forcing people to express their ideas through symbols. 
Although symbols are quick and concise, they also have limits. Symbols cannot communicate details or explain ideas clearly. Therefore, many political movements have both symbols and expressions of their ideas. 
“The junta is like a giant who wants to sustain its power. So they stopped both symbols and discussions.” Puangthong said.
Sombat said using symbols and expressing ideas must be coordinated. “They are each other’s tools.” They also need to be coordinated with the social context.  The three-finger salute was once a powerful symbol in Thailand, nowadays it has become a cliché and the police are apathetic about it.  Sombat concludes that symbolizing is to put meanings and strong emotions into one picture so that the symbol is powerful enough to shaken the authorities.
Asaree Thaitrakulpanich
A red-shirt bomb suspect in the March Criminal Court bombing condemns the police’s dismissal of his torture allegations as “unfair and unlawful.” 
Sansern Srioonreun, a red-shirt accused of involvement in the 7 March Criminal Court bombing, was captured and held in military detention under martial law in early March. He claimed he was beaten repeatedly on his torso and electrocuted on his thigh over thirty times. 
The Metropolitan Police Bureau released on 13 May a report into torture allegations of Sansern on stating that the cause of Sansern’s bruises on his torso could not be determined. The bruises could be from any sort of blunt object impact or even an accidental falling, said the report.
The police investigator goes on to claim that that Sansern’s torture allegations are “unfounded” due to three reasons: “Sansern’s testimony that he was not harmed, the medical reports, and photos taken of Sansern during the medical check ups.”
Sansern claims the police investigation was unlawful, since it ignored medical reports of his checkups on 15 and 18 March by prison medical staff which clearly state the multiple burn marks 0.6 cm in diameter along his upper right thigh. 
In early April, Prachatai found that Sansern has bruises on his upper torso and arms, as well as burn marks on his upper right thigh. Suspiciously, the police investigation does not mention any burn mark wounds, only his bruises. Furthermore, the copy of the medical reports obtained by Prachatai clearly mention the burn marks. 
In his refuting letter sent to Metropolitan Police Bureau, Sansern claims that his testimony given during his stay in the Bangkok Remand Prison about being unharmed was a misunderstanding. He thought the document he signed stated that he was not assaulted by prison staff, not military officers. In fact, he was assaulted and electrocuted by “men in military uniform.”
Sansern said dismissal of the medical reports indicate police being extremely remiss in neglecting to mention the burn marks. 
The 54-year old red shirt says a fair investigation would be a “great kindness” to him and his family, because he, an aging man, had endured “extremely harsh physical and mental abuse.” 
The bomb suspect is urging for Pol Maj Gen Srirah Rangsiprahomkul, to oversee a reinvestigation.
Sansern, a red-shirt activist and suspect in the Criminal Court bombing on 7 March, claims he was tortured during his interrogation after he was captured on 9 March. 
Nevertheless, Sansern continues to stand firm on his allegations of torture. He claims that military officers cuffed his hands behind his back, covered his eyes with a black cloth and his head with a plastic bag. Sansern claims officers punched him in the face, base of the sternum, and ribs, and trampled on him repeatedly. Officers also took off Sansern’s pants and electrocuted him on his upper right thigh at least forty times, Sansern said to Prachathai. He insists he only received a medical check up from the prison medical staff eight days later, on 18 March. 
Despite the alleged physical and verbal abuse, Sansern did not confess to involvement in the bombing and was released. 
Sansern is one of the 14 suspects in the Criminal Court bombing and one of the four accused, which include Sansern, Chanwit Jariyanukul, Norapat Lueapol, and Wichai Yoosuk, who have appealed to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights for torture allegations under martial law detention.
Since the 2014 coup, political prisoners arrested by the junta have been accusing military officers of alleged torture methods during interrogation. For example, red-shirt activist Kritsuda Khunasen, who was detained for over 20 days in June 2014, claims she was beaten, suffocated, and sexually harassed. The UN inquiry into her allegations has been ignored by the junta. 
50 delegates from 10 ASEAN countries along with China, the United States and Russia, attended a seminar in North Pattaya on Tuesday to discuss international cooperation with infectious disease control. Military Medical Experts attended the seminar at the A1 Royal Cruise Hotel which was chaired by Police Lieutenant General Dr. Dairort, Director of the Royal […] Read more...

Experts on energy, state officials, and entrepreneurs in southern Thailand call on the Thai authorities to scrap a plan to build a coal-fired power plant in the region, saying that the lucrative tourism industry could suffer in a long run.

Transborder News reported that many energy experts, environmental activists, state officials, and business owners in the southern province of Krabi on Monday, 29 June 2015, participated in ‘Andaman Talk: 300 Billion Baht Disaster of Tourism Industry from Coal’, a discussion on the possible impacts of the proposed coal-fired power plant in the province.

Since early 2014, the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT) has proposed a plan to build a controversial 60 billion Baht (about 1.8 billion USD) coal-fired power plant with 870 megawatts (MW) capacity and a coal seaport adjacent to it in Nua Khlong District of Krabi Province.     

The plan is favorably viewed by the junta. However, it is much criticised by many environmental groups the local residents who fear future environmental impacts from the plant. According to Prayuth Chan-o-cha, the junta leader and Prime Minister, the power plant will guarantee Thailand’s energy security.

On 28 May 2015, he complained “in the future if there is no electricity then don’t complain. Don’t complain if the electricity bill goes up. I would like to make it clear now that if you do nothing then just don’t complain”.   

At the discussion on Monday, Amarit Siripornjutakul, the presendent of the Tourism Industry Council of Krabi Province, said that the tourism sector in Thailand should galvanise effort in opposing the construction of the proposed power plant because it might has serious impacts on the province’s pristine coastal areas, which draws in billions of Baht of revenue from tourists annually.   

He mentioned that unlike the neighboring Malaysia which has made environmental conservation a priority in order to draw in more tourists, Thailand is losing its competitiveness in the tourism industry in the region because of the weak environment protection frameworks.

Wattana Thanasakcharoen, the president of the Southern Thailand Commerce Chamber, pointed out at the seminar that the tradeoff in energy security and the possible impacts that it might has on the environment is not worthwhile.

Wattana added that Krabi’s revenue accounts for about 10.7 per cent of the national GDP most of which comes from the lucrative tourism industry of the province. Therefore, the government’s claim that the coal-fired power plant would be a good investment for the development of the regional industries is a lie.

At the end of the discussion, 13 organisations, such as the Association of Thai Travel Agents (ATTA) and the provincial commerce chambers of Krabi, Phuket, and Phangnga Province read a joint statement to campaign that the government should choose the regional tourism industry over the coal-fired power plant.

“The government must choose between the preservation of the beautiful Andaman Coast that the world is jealous of to keep 300 billion Baht worth of revenue from the tourism industry and the coal-fired power plant which the rest of the world is now closing,” said the group’s statement.

A group of almost 300 academics denounced the junta’s arrest of 14 anti-junta activists, mostly university students, as “barbaric.”
The Network of Academics Concerned about Arrested Students, consisting of educators from all across Thailand, declared in a statement released Tuesday, June 30, that “only a tyrant would react using brute force and enforcement of barbaric laws on students using their citizens’ rights to call for reinstatement of internationally-held values and governance.”
The statement praises the activists’ pro-democracy protests over the past month, saying that they are “bravely fulfilling their roles as students in creating a true democracy for Thai society.” Moreover, the group denounces the arrest as “unlawful and illegitimate, since the junta is unlawful and illegitimate in the first place.” Finally, the report calls for the immediate release of the activists without condition.  
On 26 June, the military issued arrest warrants for the 14 activists of the anti-junta Neo Democracy Movement. They are charged with the disturbing peace and/or violating NCPO Order No. 3/2558 which bans any political gathering of more than five. The activists are currently detained at Bangkok Remand Prison. (See the timeline of events relating to the NDM here.)
The Network of Academics Concerned about Arrested Students currently consists of 281 educators and counting. The Network includes notable academics from local and foreign universities such as Chulalongkorn, Thammasat, Chiang Mai, Burapha, Mae Fah Luang, Silapakorn, Ramkamhaeng, Columbia, and the University of Sydney. 

KOH SAMUI, Thailand – June 29, 2015 – Conrad Koh Samui has taken part in Careers@Hilton Live: Youth in Hospitality Month, Hilton Worldwide’s largest ever global career event showcasing to young people, the many opportunities available in the hospitality industry. Throughout the month, Hilton Worldwide hotels and corporate offices around the globe are hosting hundreds […]

The post Conrad Koh Samui Joins Hilton Worldwide Largest Global Career Event appeared first on Samui Times.


Rehabilitation centers, clinics and facilities conjure up many different images for many different people. For some the vision is some sort of concentration camp where you are under constant surveillance and lock-down, some may envisage something akin to a mental hospital with aggressive staff in white coats, some may think of some sort of new […]

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United Nations Human Rights Office for South East Asia (OHCHR)
BANGKOK (30 JUNE 2015) - The United Nations Human Rights Office for South East Asia (OHCHR) urges the Government to promptly drop criminal charges against students who have been arrested in Bangkok for peacefully demonstrating in public and release them from custody. It further urges the Government to review its use of laws that limit freedom of expression and freedom of assembly in line with its obligations under international human rights law.
On  26 June, police and soldiers arrested 14 students in Bangkok based on a warrant  issued  by  the military court for allegedly inciting unrest under section  116  of  the  Criminal Code. The charges relate to a demonstration held  by  the  students  at  the  Democracy Monument in Bangkok on 25 June. Section 116 carries a maximum sentence of seven years in prison.
The  students  already  had  arrest warrants issued against them for having conducted  peaceful  demonstrations  in  Bangkok and Khon Kaen on 22 May to mark the first anniversary of the coup d’état, allegedly in breach of Order No.  3/2015  of  the  National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). The NCPO Order  prohibits  political  gatherings  of  more  than  five people with a maximum sentence of six months in prison.
Another  two  students appeared at the military court in Bangkok on 29 June for   breaching   the   NCPO   order   for  participating  in  the  22  May demonstrations. One reported himself to the police on 22 June and was later released  on  bail.  The  other student was arrested at hospital based on a warrant while she was receiving medical treatment.
As  a  state  party  to  the  International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,  Thailand  has  the  obligation  to  uphold the right to freedom of expression  (article  19)  and  the  right  to freedom of peaceful assembly (article 21). Although both articles allow the rights to be restricted, any restriction  has  to  be  by  law,  necessary  for a legitimate purpose and proportional  to  achieve  the  need.  OHCHR  is  concerned  that  criminal prosecutions  for  peaceful  assembly and expression that carry long prison terms are not necessary or proportional.
On  23  May  2014,  a  day  after  the coup d’état, the United Nations High Commissioner  for Human Rights publicly expressed serious concern about the restrictions  on  fundamental  freedoms  imposed  by  the NCPO, adding that freedom of expression and freedom of assembly are particularly important in resolving  difficult political issues through dialogue and debate. Now more than one year on, despite pledges by the Government to promptly restore the rule of law, restrictions on fundamental freedoms remain in place.

An Australian family appealing for urgent assistance in locating two backpackers who were in the popular Green Mango Club on the 9th of June 2014 hopes newly received iphone footage help with their search. On the night in question Jack-Hansen-Bartel was attacked, his family is now requesting world-wide help from the public in locating two […]

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BANGKOK, 30 June 2015: Professional Tourist Guide Association of Thailand says the Department of Tourism should delay a plan to dress all registered guides in Thailand in uniforms. Last Friday, the Ministry of Tourism and Sports’ Department of Tourism announced it would introduce uniforms to help identify registered guides and add more pressure on those […] Read more...

The online community has been buzzing recently with the discovery ancient wreckage buried on Ban Thai beach. Some guess that it’s a World War II warship; some say it’s a ship’s mast, and some think it’s a chimney of a ship’s boiler. However, everyone agrees on one thing, and that is they want the authorities […]

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European Union
The European Union Delegation issues the following statement in agreement with the EU Heads of Mission in Thailand.
Bangkok, 30 June 2015 – The arrests of 14 students on the basis of charges brought against them for peacefully demonstrating on 22 May is a disturbing development.
The EU believes in the right of all to express peacefully their opinions and calls upon the Thai authorities to abide by Thailand's obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms must be upheld, and military courts should not be used to try civilians.
Despite the risk of being sent to seven years in jail by the military court and harassments from the Thai junta, the 14 embattled anti junta activists, most of them university students, from the Neo Democracy Movement (NDM) still stand firm on their demand for democracy against the Thai military regime. 
The 14 are: 
1 Rangsiman Rome
2 Wason Setthasit
3 Songtham Kaewpanpruk
4 Phayu Boonsopon
5 Apiwat Soontararak
6 Rattapon Supsopon
7 Supachai Phuklongploy
8 Abhisit Suebnapa
9 Panupong Sritananuwat
10 Suwicha Pitangkorn
11 Pakorn Areekul
12 Jatupat Boonpattararaksa
13 Pornchai Yuanyee
14 Conticha Jangreaw 
The following is the timeline of the struggle for democracy of the fourteen activists. 

See larger image


22 May 2015

Students gathered in two places in Thailand (Bangkok and Khon Kaen) to stage peaceful protests to commemorate the first anniversary of the coup when the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) took control of Thailand on 22 May 2014.
In Bangkok, anti-coup activists and students faced a crackdown by police (in uniform and plain-clothes) in front of the Bangkok Art and Culture Center (BACC), leaving at least 3 injured and hospitalized. The police detained 37 activists after the clash. Over 100 people then gathered in front of Pathumwan Police Station to give moral support to the detainees. 8 anti-coup activists were summoned to hear charges, but only one reported to the police and was released on bail. 
Meanwhile, in Khon Kaen, 7 student activists from the student-led human rights and environmental group Dao Din also held a ceremony to commemorate the anniversary of the coup d’état. They too were detained by the police for their peaceful act at the Democracy Monument in Khon Kaen. The students were released on bail the next day.
19 June 2015
3 Dao Din students were arrested and detained for drawing paintings with anti-coup messages.
24 June 2015
Student activists showed up in Samyan District of Bangkok, near Pathumwan Police Station, to bring charges against police for using unnecessary force to crack down on activists' peaceful commemoration of the coup's first anniversary in front of the BACC. They were later joined by Dao Din students who arrived to show moral support. Together they read a manifesto of the Neo Democracy Movement and called on people to join the movement.
The police refused to accept charges brought by the activists. 
After the crowd dispersed at night, one female activist was arrested on her way home, but then released after the officer talked to his supervisor.

25 June 2015

Officers and undercover police surrounded Suan Nguen Mee Ma, while activists read a statement showing resistance to the coup and military edicts. They said they would not resist officers if they are to be arrested. They also called for action in front of the Democracy Monument in Bangkok at 17:00.
26 June 2015
The military court had issued arrest warrants for 14 activists of the Neo Democracy Movement. They are charged with disturbing social peace and/or causing social conflict and/or violating NCPO Order No. 3/2558 which bans any political gathering of 5 or more persons. These 14 activists are the same activists who were previously detained on 22 May 2015.
At 17:15, 14 activists were arrested (for provoking or stirring up unrest in society, violating Articles 116 and 83 of the Criminal Code) and brought to Phra Ratchawang Police Station. They were now detained at Bangkok Remand Prison.

Khaosod English: Three people have reportedly been arrested for their suspected connection to a brief pro-democracy demonstration in front of the United States Consulate in northern Thailand today. 

Around ten masked activists gathered in front of the US Consulate in Chiang Mai province this afternoon and held signs pledging their support for human rights, democracy, and non-violence. 

The consulate was presumably chosen as the location for the rally because of the US government’s criticism of the 2014 May coup and the junta’s ongoing suppression of civil rights. 

Read full story from Khaosod English


The Thai Military Court sent an anti-junta transgender student activist to face sexual harassment in male prison before releasing her.  

According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), on Monday noon, 29 June 2015, the staff judge advocate of the Military court of Bangkok indicted Natchacha Kongudom, a well known transgender anti-junta student activist and Tatchapong Kaedum, her fellow activist.

The two were indicted for breaking the Thai junta’s National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO)’s Order No. 3/2015, an order which gives military officers full power to maintain national security, for participating in a gathering to commemorate the 2014 coup d’état in downtown Bangkok on 22 May.

After the indictment, the military court sent the two to Bangkok Remand Prison before granting bail under 10,000 Baht surety to the anti-junta activists and released them.

For Natchacha, however, the court sent her to face sexual harassments in the male compound of Bangkok Remand Prison before the release despite the fact that she has already had a sexual reassignment operation.

Natchacha, an anti-junta student activist, in front of Bangkok’s Military Court on 29 June 2015 (courtesy of TLHR)

Natchacha said that she felt extremely uncomfortable while she had to undergo physical examination in the male prison compound whose staff were all male.

She added that she felt sexually harassed by the prison staffs who performed the examination on her while she was forced to reveal her body during the examination and by other male inmates who verbally harassed her.

Prior to being sent to Bangkok Remand Prison, Natchacha asked the military court to send her to female prison instead because she is a transwoman. However, the court lifted the request, saying that in accordance to the law the suspect is still ‘male’ and there is no law, which stipulates that transwomen are female in Thailand.

According to the Coalition on Democracy and SOGIE Rights (CDSR), the court’s decision is against the Yogyakarta Principles on the Application of International Human Rights Law in relation to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity, which states that the dignity and rights of LGBT shall be protected under custody.

“In cases which LGBT persons are under detention, the detained must be protected under custody in accordance to their sexual and gender identifications and that in any circumstance transwomen should not face physical examination performed by male prison staffs,” CDSR wrote in it’s statement.

On 24 June, Natchacha was arrested while she was hospitalised by security officers in plainclothes and brought to the Pathumwan Police Station in central Bangkok for interrogation together with the 14 anti-junta student activists, who are now under custody.

In December 2014, two men who were thought to be military officers in plainclothes assigned to follow her threaten her with rape at the human rights event.


A brand new monthly publication has hit the newsstands of Pattaya and promises to be the most informative publication aimed at Tourists that Pattaya has ever seen. To celebrate the launch of the “Buzzin Lifestyle” magazine, Buzzin Media Group, which incorporates Pattaya One, invited over 100 children from the Ban Jing Jai Orphanage onto Pattaya’s […] Read more...
John Draper

The story of embattled human rights activist Sombat Boonngam-anong, aka Nuling or the Polka Dot Editor, is now reaching the international media. Currently being persecuted by the Thai state in what has become an absolute military dictatorship due to General Prayut invoking Section 44 of the Interim Charter, Sombat is facing approximately five charges, including the possibility of lèse majesté (Section 112).

General Prayut himself has hypothesized that Sombat’s latest venture, selling rice, is politically motivated, with the assumption appearing to be that former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra is funding his venture. An obsession with a plot is characteristic of this government due to its (hopefully unintentional) fascist tendencies, as explained here. However, it should be pointed out that Sombat used to host TV shows on the Peace TV channel, which used to be the UDD Channel, which was connected to Thaksin.

But, how is the concept of selling rice in itself subversive? What Sombat is doing is buying rice direct from farmers, bagging it in a small operation under the Polka Dot brand, and then selling it. What appears to be so rebellious is buying rice at 15,000 baht per ton, as under the Yingluck rice scheme of a guaranteed minimum price, and then running a form of social enterprise which cuts out the middle men, i.e., the rice mills and the bureaucracy (Ministry of Agriculture etc.) and selling direct to customers.

At the same time, bag deliverers are being paid 15 baht per bag above the going wage. The above-market price combined with an above-market delivery per bag payment are the two aspects of the venture which make it a social enterprise, therefore falling into the same category as the Doi Kham brand founded by His Majesty the King, rather than pure capitalism.

Colonel Sansern Keawkamnerd, the NCPO’s spokesman, has suggested Polka Dot Rice buy all the rice from all the farmers and therefore take over the management of the country’s main agricultural product. This appears to be an attempt at ridicule. But, why shouldn’t all Thailand’s rice be sold as a social enterprise using direct-to-customer marketing?

There are two main groups who may be not particularly happy with this idea. The first is the rice millers and silos owners, who have their own associations and have traditionally served as middle men. They are mainly ethnic Sino-Thais who had few opportunities when Thailand was still called Siam to find employment other than in state-mandated occupations, including rice trading. However, there would still be a need for their services – except that instead of the government paying for them to mill and store rice, the farmers’ associations would do it.

The other group which may be unhappy with this idea would be corrupt officials who make money from monitoring, supervising, and adding red tape to each movement and transaction involving the rice. However, is that not one of the problems that the dictatorship is trying to solve?

But, what about the fact that farmers’ associations are not market experts? The answer is for the farmers’ associations to hire domestic and international rice traders who know what they are doing. In other words, the workers hire the management instead of the management hiring the workers.

Gradually, you have a completely new economic model. Traditionally, at the bottom of the food chain are the farmers, the poorest ones being mainly Thai Lao people farming marginal land affected by all sorts of problems such as salination and over-use of pesticides. In this model, supply is dictated by the state. But, if the farmers operate cooperatively and democratically elect the leaders of their farmers associations - which many already do - who then directly buy in experts to manage the interface with buyers ranging from individuals to companies, thereby cutting out the state, you have the basis of economic democracy.

Some may state that this sounds like communism. However, it is not. A communist state would, via a central bureaucracy, dictate supply, manipulate demand and direct by committee all economic operations via a single party. The fact that the Thai state already controls the supply of rice is, in fact, an aspect of socialism - the command economy - which has sometimes been borrowed by forms of authoritarian government, particularly in developing countries. But, Thailand’s economy overall also has a large private sector, which is why it is a hybrid economy. And, introducing economic democracy in one sector will not change Thailand’s model from being a hybrid one overnight.

The role that Sombat has created for himself as a social entrepreneur is along the right lines. However, he is still essentially a manager hiring staff. And, the thinking is too small, which is why Colonel Sansern Keawkamnerd’s suggestion for Sombat to think bigger is, in fact, an excellent one. Obviously, there is no quick fix for Thailand’s rice problems. The agricultural sector poses socio-political and ethnic questions of concern to all Thais. But, the Colonel should advise General Prayut to start the process towards economic democracy via disintermediation – cutting out unnecessary bureaucracy – immediately.

The farmers and their representative associations should then directly hire talented people like Sombat to put together a management team in order to negotiate what bureaucracy remains and create a business plan. Then, the associations’ hired management, now responsible to the associations, who become the Board of Directors, function as an executive. This executive obtains loans from organizations such as the Bank for Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperatives and forges business partnerships. Through this process, the farmers’ associations can supervise the milling, storing, marketing and then selling of their rice, potentially via online platforms for mass sales such as alibaba.

Mistakes will be made, managers will be fired, and things will go wrong. So yes, it may need some regulation, and it should definitely involve independent auditing and state insurance against disasters. But at this stage in the game, there is nothing to lose from the military supporting an approach which allows farmers to take control of their own lives and futures.


Human rights lawyers condemned the Thai police for hasty arrest of the 14 embattled student activists and the unlawful collection of the activists’ mobile phones.

Yaowalak Anupan, the head of Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), said at a press conference on Sunday, 28 June, at Thammasat University, that the arrest on Friday was hasty and unprofessional.

The 14 activists, mostly students, were arrested for political gatherings on 22 May, the first anniversary of the 2014 coup d’état in Bangkok and the northeastern province of Khon Kaen.

After the arrest, the investigative officers attempted to interrogate the activists without their lawyers’ presence. Therefore, activists refused to proceed with the investigation and declared that they would only be represented by lawyers, said Kisadang Nutjarat, a lawyer from the TLHR.

Kisadang pointed out that the activists arrested have the right to their preferred lawyers to prevent the authorities from taking advantage of them.

The activists were also arrested without questioning or taking down of fingerprints because the police were in a hurry to take the activists to the military court and to submit a custody petition before midnight of Friday, added Yaowalak.

TLHR also announced that normally the court closes at 4 pm. Therefore, the operation of the military court until midnight just for these arrests raises suspicions of unprofessionalism.

In addition after the arrest of the student activists, from around midnight until 3 am on Saturday, military and police officers attempted to search a car of a TLHR lawyer parked in the military court compound. The lawyer, however, refused to let officers search her car without a warrant, and stood guard at her car all night as the police refused to let her drive away.

On Saturday morning, after the warrant was acquired, a police officer broke the evidence collection protocol as he seized five phones belonging to the activists without proper evidence-sealing procedure while transporting the evidence. He disappeared with them for ten minutes, after which the officer returned and handed the phones over to an evidence collection officer.

Kisadang Nutjarat from the TLHR stated that evidence obtained via unlawful procedures cannot be used in court.

The lawyer added that during those ten minutes, the phones could have easily been tampered with. Moreover, the unwarranted break-in attempt and lawyer intimidation denotes unlawful action, as well as obstruction of justice.

Kisadang also relayed four messages from the activists to the public at the press conference. First, the activists insist that they are political prisoners accused of political wrongdoing. Second, they do not have intentions to request bail, except in the case of a temporary release for immediate medical attention. Third, all 14 activists reject the authority of the military court and will only go to trial in a civil court.

Finally, the activists called for their release, as well as the release of all other political prisoners, without condition.


The Thai military and police in the northern Thailand summoned and inspected pro-democracy activists, academics, and students to make sure that nothing would happen during the junta’s cabinet meeting in the province.

Between from 23-29 June 2015, the military and police officers in Chiang Mai summoned and inspected at more than 15 activists, academics, writers, students, and others in the province to make sure that no anti-junta activity would take place during the junta’s cabinet meeting on 29-30 June 2015.    

On 23 June, the military officers in Chiang Mai summoned four members of the anti-establishment red shirt group in the province for a talk at Kawela Military Base one of the whom is Pol Sen Sgt Maj Pichit Tamoon, one of the key local red shirt leaders.

At around the same time, police officers from the Special Branch Thai Police (SBP), a police division responsible for national security’s intelligence, came to Chiang Mai University to talk to Somchai Preechasinlapakun, a lecturer of the Faculty of Law of the university, over the junta’s meeting.

The security officers in Chiang Mai participate in the drill to prepare for the junta’s meeting between 29-30 June 2015  

Two police officers in plainclothes also paid a visit to Piphop Udomitthipon, an independent writer and translator, to inspect about his background and activities. The officers mentioned that they were assigned to make sure that there would be no disturbance on the junta’s meeting and warned the writer that he will be visited by security officers again if he does not obey.

During the same week, the officers in plainclothes also visited Nithipong Samrankong, another independent writer in the province, who was summoned for an attitude adjustment after the coup earlier, and another local cultural activist.

On 26 June, military officers summoned two members of the Federation of Northern Farmers (FNF) for a talk.

Rodjareat Wattanapanich, an pro-democracy activist and founder of the Book Republic, a bookshop in Chiang Mai, and Direak Khongngoen, one of the FNF’s key leaders, were also inspected by the security officers last week regardings the junta’s meeting.

In addition, several village chiefs and students from Chiang Mai University were also contacted the the security officers at around the same time as well.  

According to Thairath Online, over 2,000 military, police, and other security officers are assigned to quell any anti-junta activities that might take place in Chiang Mai during the junta’s meeting.

On 25 June, the military and police officers in the province participated in the drill in preparation for the coming up meeting, Thairath reported.

Yiamyut Sutthichaya
Experts say torture will cause problems for society if people are not aware that it exists and what it will lead to. It is therefore the duty of the media to make society aware of torture. 
On Wednesday 24 June, the Cross Cultural Foundation (CrCF), Amnesty International Thailand and the Faculty of Information and Communication Technology of Silpakorn University organized a public forum on Media and Torture Prevention at the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre (BACC), Siam Square, Bangkok. The event was held to celebrate International Day in Support of Victims of Torture on 26 June.
The four speakers at the forum were Ronnakorn Boonmee of the Faculty of Law, Thammasat University, Ekaluck Lumchomkhae of the Mirror Organization, Panjai Woharndee from the Ministry of Justice and Anusorn Tipayanon from Chiang Mai University.
Ronnakorn said that when a person is tortured, it may affect his life and his family. Not are only the victims’ bodies and minds damaged, but the community may exclude them in the belief that those who have been tortured are bad people.
The media has the duty to increase social awareness that torture is unacceptable, said Ronnakorn.
Sometimes it is the media which legitimizes torture. They selectively present information that exacerbates hatred in society in exchange for ratings or circulation, pointed out Ekaluck.
He said that the media should little by little create better understanding within society. They must find ways to attract public attention to torture. The media also should express information from the point of view of both victims and perpetrators in cases of torture and let their audiences think critically about the problems of torture.
Anusorn said the media has a duty to create a social impact, to make society realize that torture is not right. Violence and torture are social dynamics. They will consistently grow and reach the point where people do not care whether torture exists in society. 
Agreeing with Ekaluck, he said that the media should consistently imbue an anti-torture mind-set in society.
Panjai said that torture is actually very close to our daily lives. Torture is firmly established in society so change will take time.
The representative from the Ministry of Justice also advised the media to be patient in order to criminalize torture in public attitudes. 
Ekaluck said that films should focus on social dimensions to directly create a social impact. Society takes part in the torture process as it socially condemns criminals. 
An anti-torture short film was screened at the event. 


On the 29th June, 2015 at 06:40 police in Koh Samui received a report that a fatal shooting had taken place near the Hin Lat Waterfall Bridge at Hin Lat Waterfall Temple. On arrival at the scene the authorities discovered the body of Mr. Chalerm Kampeerapap, a 57 year-old Buddha sculpture maker. The deceased had […]

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The Thai police confiscated five mobile phones after a search on a car of a defense lawyer of the 14 embattled anti-junta student activist while the lawyer pointed out that the search was unlawful.

According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), at 3 pm on Saturday Pol Col Suriya Jamnongchok, an investigative officer of Samranraj Police Station in Bangkok searched a car of Sirikan Charoensiri, a lawyer from Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), who is one of the defence lawyers of the 14 embattled student activists in front of Bangkok’s Military Court.

The police officer reasoned that the search was for collecting objects that were used for illegal activities as evidence and things that were acquired illegally.

An investigative officer searches Sirikan's car in front of Bangkok's Military Court on 27 June 2015 (Photo from TLHR)

After the search, the officer collected five mobile phones that were found in the lawyer’s car some of which belong to the student activists who are now under detention, including, a tablet, TLHR reported.

The police later brought all the evidences collected from the lawyer’s car to Chanasongkram Police Station.

Prior to the search, Sirikan at around 1 pm came to Samranraj Police Station and filed a complaint under Article 157 of the Thai Criminal Code, malfeasance in office, against the police, pointing out that the officers unlawfully confiscated her car for the search.

The lawyer also pointed out to a police that the investigative officer who searched her car transported the evidences collected to the police station without sealing them, which was against normal searching procedures, and spent about 15 minutes to hand the evidences to the relevant authorities.

While filing the complaint, Sirikan told the police to note down the unprofessional way in which the evidences were handled in the police’s report because the electronic information on the devices confiscated can be easily interfered. However, the police did not accept the complaint.

The police attempted the search Sirikan’s car since 1 am on Saturday, but was not able to because of the lawyer’s objection to allow the search without an official warrant from the court. Later, the officers obtained the warrant from the court at 11 am on Saturday and was able to carry out the search.


Pro-democracy activists and people from all walks of life gathered at Thammasat University and Bangkok Remand Prison on Sunday to give moral support for 14 embattled anti-junta activists under custody.

At noon on Sunday, many students from Liberal League of Thammasat for Democracy (LLTD), activists, academics and others gathered in front of the Tha Prachan Campus of Thammasat University to attached placards with messages to support the 14 student activists on the campus’ wall.

One of the placards is a message from Kasian Techapeera, a renowned anti-junta political scientist of Thammasat and Chulalongkorn University, which reads ‘I’m proud to be your lecturer’.

Kasian Techapeera's message to support the student activists under custody

Some other placards attached to the campus’ wall read ‘release the 14 student activists unconditionally’, ‘people who are behind this [anti-junta activities] is nobody, but ordinary people who love democracy’, ‘dictatorship will be ruined and democracy will triumph’.

At 8 pm on the same day, around 30 people some of which are activists from Neo-Democracy Group, an anti-junta group, gathered in front of Bangkok Remand Prison, where the student activists are detained and lit up candles to symbolically show support for the student activists.

They also released white balloons to show their moral support and read out a statement to denounce the Thai junta’s measure to arrested the student activists.

The group statement pointed out that despite the fact that all the 14 student activists always made it clear that they would not escape, the Bangkok’s Military Court detained them and denied their lawyer’s objection to the custody order.

The group added that the military court’s decision to detain the student activists was also read at an unusual hour on Friday night, which is not the normal working hours of the court.

A member of the Neo Democracy Group reads out the statement to denounce the Thai  junta's arrest of the student activists

“This sort of behavior [of the authorities] shows that the state officials are abusing the justice system to arrest and prosecute those who have different political stands,” said the group’s statement.    

On Friday night, the Bangkok Military Court granted custody permission to detain 14 student activists who are accused of violating the junta’s National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) Order No. 7/2014, which prohibits any political gathering of more than five persons for holding symbolic events to commemorate the 2014 coup d’état on 22 May.

In addition, the 14 are also charged under Article 116 of the Criminal Code, the sedition law, for holding anti-junta political activities. If found guilty they could face up to seven years of imprisonment.

On Saturday, Gen Udomdej Sitabutr, the Thai Army Chief, said that the arrest of the 14 student activists was necessary to prevent further political conflicts and made ambiguous claim that the authorities now know who are behind the anti-junta activities.

The army chief also threatened to use harsh measures against people who support the student activists.  

Seven of the 14 are student activists from the Dao Din Group, a student activist group based in the northeastern province of Khon Kaen. The rest are student activists from Thai Student Centre for Democracy (TSCD) based in Bangkok.


A huge THANK – YOU to our great supporter Silvana from Switzerland who has collected a great amount of donations in Switzerland to have a specially designed DogRescue-Sidecar built and we also bought a new motorbike. Walter Lehmann who’s been living in Lamai a long time and is a good friend of Silvana has designed […]

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The Thai police officers attempted to search a car of a lawyer representing the 14 embattled student activists without a search warrant.

At 1 am on Saturday, the interrogation officers from Chanasongkram Police Station in Bangkok attempted to search a car which belongs to Sirikan Charoensiri, a lawyer from Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR) who is one of the defense lawyers of the 14 embattled student activists in front of the Bangkok’s Military Court.

Sirikan Charoensiri negotiates with a police officer in front of the military court at an early hour on 27 June (Photo from Sirikan's facebook profile). 

However, the lawyer refused to let the police officers carry out the search saying that in accordance to the law the officers supposed to present a search warrant before the measure.  

The event happened shortly after the Military Court detained the 14 student activist charged with defying the Thai junta’s political gathering ban and Article 116 of the Criminal Code, a sedition law, for holding anti-junta activities.

Despite Sirikan’s disapproval, the police wanted to bring the car to Chanasongkram Police Station

After a brief negotiation, at 1:20 am, the police told the lawyer that they would not bring the car the the police station and will search the car later on Saturday morning.

The police then attached a piece of paper to the car to guarantee that they would not arbitrarily open it. Sirikan, however, chose to remain cautious and guarded her car until the search.

Human Rights Watch

(New York, June 27, 2015) – Thai authorities should immediately drop all charges and release unconditionally 14 student activists who peacefully expressed opposition to military rule, Human Rights Watch said today. 

On June 26, 2015 in Bangkok, police and soldiers enforced a military court warrant to arrest 14 students from the Neo-Democracy Movement for sedition and violating the military junta’s ban on public assembly. The students are now held in the Bangkok Remand Prison and the Central Women Correctional Institution for 12 days while awaiting trial in a military court. 

“Thailand’s junta should immediately stop arresting and prosecuting student activists,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “While insisting they aren’t dictators, the Thai generals have used the military courts as a central feature of their crackdown against peaceful criticism and political dissent.” 

On June 24 and 25 authorities arrested Rangsiman Rome, Wasant Sadesit, Songtham Kaewpanphruek, Payu Boonsopon, Apiwat Suntararak, Rattapol Supasophon, Supachai Pookhlongploy, Apisit Sapnapapha, Panupong Sritananuwat, Suvicha Pitungkorn, Pakorn Areekul, Chatupat Boonyapatraksa, Pornchai Yuanyee and Chonticha Chaengreo. The students took part in peaceful rallies calling for an end to military rule under the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). The army commander-in-chief, Gen. Udomdej Seetabutr, publicly accused the 14 student activists of being backed by anti-government groups and claimed their actions could lead to disturbances and violence. 

If found guilty of sedition under article 116 of the penal code, the harsh provision criminalizing free expression under Thai law, the activists would face up to seven years in prison. In addition, they would face an additional six-month prison term and a fine of up to 10,000 baht (US$312) for breaching the NCPO’s public assembly ban.

These latest arbitrary arrests again demonstrate the military junta’s unwillingness to ease its oppressive rule, Human Rights Watch said. International human rights law, as reflected in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) ratified by Thailand in 1996, protects the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. However, since the May 2014 coup, the junta has banned political gatherings of more than five people. The authorities have arrested at least 80 people for organizing or taking part in such public gatherings. 

The NCPO’s 37th order replaces civilian courts with military tribunals for crimes of national security and sedition, and for lese majeste (offending the monarchy). Individuals who violate the NCPO’s orders are also subject to prosecution in military courts. Hundreds of people, mostly political dissidents and critics of the NCPO, have been sent to trials in military courts since the coup.

International human rights law prohibits governments from using military courts to try civilians when civilian courts are functioning. The use of military courts in Thailand also fails to meet international fair trial standards under the ICCPR. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, the international expert body that monitors state compliance with the ICCPR, has stated in its General Comment on the right to a fair trial that “the trial of civilians in military or special courts may raise serious problems as far as the equitable, impartial and independent administration of justice is concerned.” This is particularly problematic in Thailand where every element of military courts functions within the Defense Ministry’s chain of command.

“With each new arrest, Thailand’s path toward democracy is getting harder to find,” Adams said. “Governments around the world should press the junta to end repression and respect fundamental rights.”




The Thai Military Court detained 14 embattled students activists accused of violating the Thai junta’s political assembly ban amid a crowd who came to give moral support to the students.  

At 00:20 am on Saturday, the Bangkok’s Military Court granted custody permissions to detain 14 student activists who are accused of violating the junta’s National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO)’s Order No. 7/2014, which prohibits any political gathering of more than five persons for holding symbolic events to commemorate the 2014 coup d’état on 22 May.

People sing and write banner to give moral support to the 14.

At the court, a defense lawyer of the 14 submitted a request against the custody permissions without success. The 14 will be detained under the first custody period of 12 days with the possibility of the custody permissions being renewed.   

The 13 student activists were brought to Bangkok Remand Prison while the only female student activist of the group, Cholticha Jangrew, was brought to Central Women Correctional Institute in Bangkok.

People light up candles to support the student activists on the night of 26 June 2015 next to the Military Court of Bangkok

Earlier at 5:30 pm on Friday, the police officers arrested the 14 at their safe house, Suan Ngern Mee Ma, Charoen Krung, Bangkok and took them to the Phra Ratchawang Police Station for interrogation.

About 50 people came to give moral support to the group in time of the arrest.

At 00:30 on Saturday, the crowd led by members of Neo Democracy Movement (NDM), an anti-coup group, sang ‘Sang Daw Heng Sattha’ (the light of faith from the stars) and Song of the Commoners, Thai civil movement songs, to encourage the student activists while they were being transported to prisons.

Activists from Neo Democracy Movement Group sang in support of the 14. (left) Natchacha Kongudom, another renown student activist from Thai Student Center for Democracy (TSCD)

Some also held placards and lit up candles to give the embattled student activists moral support.   

Seven of the 14 are student activists from Dao Din Group, a student activist group based in the northeastern province of Khon Kaen. The rest are student activists from Thai Student Center for Democracy (TSCD) based in Bangkok.

ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
JAKARTA, 26 June 2015 – ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) called on Thai authorities to drop all charges and immediately release students arrested in Bangkok today, adding that the time had come for others in the region to take a stand alongside those fighting for democracy in Thailand.
Fourteen students were arrested this evening, according to reports, charged with taking part in a gathering of more than five people—an act outlawed under the National Council for Peace and Order’s (NCPO) order no. 3/2558. The arrests followed their participation in a protest against the ruling military junta, which took place in downtown Bangkok yesterday.
“It’s a disgrace. There’s no legitimacy left for a regime that bullies and arrests peaceful students for doing nothing more than standing up for their rights,” said Charles Santiago, APHR Chairperson and a member of parliament in Malaysia.
“How can the junta expect the international community to take seriously the idea that it can hold credible elections if people aren’t even allowed to stand next to one another holding signs expressing their political opinion?” Santiago said. “The international community and Thailand’s neighbors can no longer be under the illusion that the junta intends to return the country to democracy anytime soon.”
Recent weeks have also witnessed high-profile news conferences forcibly cancelled by the military government, including one on the subject of the Kingdom’s controversial lèse majesté law, which criminalizes all open discussion of the monarchy.
“The junta has instituted a series of laws and policies that are increasingly turning Thailand into a country governed by fear and repression, where ordinary citizens are tried in military courts and people can no longer speak their minds,” said Santiago. “This is not something that the rest of ASEAN welcomes.”
“Thailand isn’t moving towards reconciliation; it’s moving towards another explosive confrontation,” he added. “ASEAN craves stability, not conflict. Not even the iron fist of Thailand’s infamous military will be able to keep the Thai people suppressed for long. It’s high time this junta stepped aside and allowed for the return of democracy and the institution of basic human rights protections.”
Asaree Thaitrakulpanich
Thailand and Myanmar’s regulations systematically discriminate the rights to movement, health, and culture of the nomadic sea gypsy ethnic Moken people, according to a Human Rights Watch report released this week. 
The Moken people are one of the last hunter-gatherer groups in Southeast Asia. Approximately 3,000 Moken live in the Mergui Archipelago off the coast of Myanmar, while 800 live in Thailand, mainly in Ranong and surrounding islands. In the report “Stateless at Sea: The Moken of Myanmar and Thailand,” the HRW said the traditional Moken fishing nomadism is threatened by both Thai and Myanmar governments’ regulations. 
The report was launched on 25 June at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT), Bangkok. 
The stateless Moken people are restricted from travelling outside of their district, cannot obtain legal work permits, and prevented from becoming citizens by both Thailand and Myanmar. While the Myanmar navy intimidate and harass Moken boats, Thai authorities block Moken citizenship. 
Surapong Kongchantuk, chairman of the Human Rights Subcommittee on Ethnic Minorities and the Lawyers Council of Thailand, states that the Thai national verification process for Moken require a Thai citizen to verify their citizenship as a witness. The witness cannot be a Moken with Thai citizenship, thus it is virtually impossible for Moken to gain a national ID card. Furthermore, Surapong says authorities often claim that Moken citizenship is impossible due to their nomadism, although in truth most Moken have settled down in stable communities due to restrictions on their traditional livelihood. 
Conservation laws also prevent Moken from their traditional livelihood of fishing, foraging, and building shelter from surrounding natural resources. According to the report, the Surin Islands Marine National Park’s regulations prohibit Moken from chopping wood for huts or their kabang boats and from catching protected animals including  fish, turtles, sea cucumber, and giant clams. 
When they cannot maintain their traditional livelihood, Moken have been forced to find other sources of income, and many survive on begging, garbage collecting, or diving for sea animals. Moken divers risk their lives with every dive due to decompression sickness and dynamite fishing bombs. Surapong says “the current society exerts pressure” on the Moken, causing many Moken men to become alcoholics and women to become indebted gamblers. 
Moken statelessness makes them vulnerable to land-grabbing by local corporations and businessmen. As such, Moken are often evicted from land they have inhabited for generations. Niran says than on Li Pe Island, 95 per cent of the land is owned by “influential people” who are not only charged with Rohingya human trafficking, but forge illegal land titles to local Moken.On Phi Phi, the so-called tourist paradise, 40 sea gypsy families are crammed into 2 rai of land, where Sunai says the HRW investigation revealed “350 families face eviction from local influential figures” who have filed approximately 100 cases, resulting in 20 arrest warrants. 
The Moken have been “violated of their right to culture,” which is tantamount to “a second tsunami wave” that washes over unnoticed, says Niran. “Despite the fact that they have been living in this area longer than the Rattanakosin era itself,” they are still “not allowed to dock their boats” on Thai shores or to access their traditional cemetery grounds. Moken cemeteries are violated by resorts and hotels, and the people are fenced out from performing their cultural ceremonies there. Fifty cemeteries in 5 provinces have been violated, and 70–80% of Moken cannot access their cemeteries. 
“They are losing their human dignity and cultural identity,” says Surapong. 
Against the rising tide of ultranationalist and authoritarian sentiment that excludes the idea of a multiethnic Thailand, Surapong emphasizes the value of the Moken people. Ethnic minorities’ value must be emphasized in response to such anti-Thai sentiments, such as those expressed by Thai citizens over the Rohingya boat crisis, he says. The Moken, he says are an “irreplaceable, unique treasure of the world.” Having resided on the Western border of Thailand for thousands of years, they have their own unique culture, language, accumulated body of knowledge, and even physical evolutionary characteristics. The Moken possess extraordinary diving abilities, and can dive for tens of minutes and can open their eyes in seawater without hinderance. They also possess valuable knowledge of the sea. Not one Moken died in the 2004 tsunami, since they could predict the disaster. 
Surapong pinpoints the root of the problem at the current Constitution as well as “mishandling of state policies.” The current draft omits the issue of cultural rights altogether while extending state protection only to “citizens,” rather than “persons,” therefore putting emphasis on state authority rather than protection of people. “Such regressive thinking is tragic. It’s as if the lyrics of the national anthem, ‘Thai blood and flesh’ are being followed to the letter,” adds Niran. According to him, the 1997 and 2007 constitutions offered more protection of human rights, and this period “enshrined the non-discriminatory approach,” and the National Human Rights Council was free to investigate ethnic minority issues. Those “eighteen years of progressive constitution” however, shook up the current state of ultranationalism, so now they are refusing the previously-fulfilled obligation to protect ethnic minorities. 
Surapong also claims the Thai government operates on a false dichotomy regarding national security and human rights--that it is impossible to have one without undermining the other. Therefore human rights issues have been “sacrificed” for ones of national security. 
Surapong, however, claims these two issues go hand-in-hand: developed countries often have high standards on both issues. 
The current mentality of excluding non-Thai from Constitutional protection is against what Surapong calls the “internationally recognized principle that everyone should have at least a state’s protection upon birth--in other words, a nationality. A state’s obligation is to provide a nationality not only to people residing in its jurisdiction, but also the people nearest to it.” Part of the solution Surapong suggests is that Thailand must recognize Moken as an indigenous group, protect them in the Constitution, and “stipulate that Thailand is a multicultural society. The state should assume that all Moken in Thailand are Thai, and support their traditional livelihood. 
The police on Friday 5.30pm arrested 14 activists wanted on arrest warrant for anti-junta activities at their safe house, Suan Ngern Mee Ma, Charoen Krung, Bangkok. 
The police took them to the Phra Ratchawang Police Station for interrogation. About 50 people came to give the group moral support. 
The police is expected to take them to the Bangkok military court and submit custody petition. 
The 14 activists are seven members of Dao Din, a student activism group based in Khon Kaen, and seven people accused of violating the junta’s order by assembly of more than five people on 22 May, the first anniversary of the military coup. 
The 14 activists, on Wednesday, joined the Neo Democracy Movement (NDM) an anti-coup group, mostly composed of student activists across the country. 
People sing and write banner to give moral support to the 14.
Rangsiman Rome from Thammasat University (black shirt) is arrested at Suan Ngern Mee Ma.
Chatupat Boonpattararaksa from Dao Din (blue shirt) is arrested at Suan Ngern Mee Ma.
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